Defending The Proposed Fedearl Map of Napal (14-states model)

Damber Tembe
Development Sociologist

After almost one and half years of debate and deliberation, the thematic committee for state restructuring and allocation of state power (CSRASP) of Constituent Assembly (CA) has passed a 14-province model. The justifications behind this model as given by the committee are identity and ability to stand. Among the proposed state-divisions in the model, 8-provinces are demarcated on ethno-lingual basis and the remaining others are on regional basis. Majority of Indigenous Peoples’ Organizations (IPOs) and activists who are struggling for Indigenous Peoples’ (IP) rights have common voice that state-restructuring should be made on the basis of ethnic territorial history, have welcomed the concept of 14-province model. There are still a few concerns related to historical and territorial claims at frontiers with neighboring provinces though. Ethno-lingual federalism is a long awaited interest of IPs as they have been suffering from systematic discrimination from Nepali-speaking ruling group for generations. Ethno-lingual federalism could be a kind of compensation for IPs against past injustices from upper hill-caste people.

The salutation from majority Nepali people (almost all IPs and some major political parties) to ethno-lingual federalism is not publicized by the medias of Nepal deliberately. It is simply because; all Medias are under the grip of elite privileged groups (Nepali speaking upper hill-caste). The elite and dominant ruling class (hill-high caste groups) people are well educated and financially well-off so that they are able to portray their interests apparently by maneuvering ground reality, whereas the IPs are struggling with hand to mouth lives. The IPs are not able to express their concerns properly due lack of adequate information, let alone the media coverage by their hue and cry for their identify and development as they have been exploited in the past in different ways, deprived for generations and marginalized.


At this crossroad of Nepal’s political decision making procedure, all Nepalese are required to remain committed to radical state-restructuring – which needs to include federalism with ethnic identity based on their territorial history. But the newspapers are filled with warning that ethno-lingual federalism would be a big mistake and to re-design federalization of Nepal along ethnic lines could result discontent among Nepali people. It is further strange that many distinct political figures are also expressing opinion against ethno-lingual federalism. There is no secret that those upper hill-caste elite leaders, if they could have their way, would perhaps never support any form of federalism, and certainly not ethno-lingual kinds. More than that, the elite leaders are talking about high level commission on state-restructuring at this later stage as the concept-report of CSRASP was against their hidden interest. This gives general public a clear picture that these visionary elite leaders are looking forward to what type of new Nepal. Obviously, they desire to shape the state in such a way, so that they will be able to maintain their monopoly in state power and resources like in the past. Whereas almost all political parties including Nepali Congress (NC) and United Marxist Leninist (UML) collected vote of people to Constituent Assembly election by assuring ethno-lingual federalism through their election manifestos just two years back. All IPs and international communities who collaborate and demonstrate solidarity in favor of IP movement in Nepal must get an idea of how strong the elite leaders still are, in making tough decisions by reviewing the political development in Nepal.

The never challenged grip of hill high caste people (HHCP) in Nepal’s administration will be loosen if ethno-lingual federalism such as 14-model province is guaranteed in the new constitution. With the provinces divided on the basis of ethno-lingual federalism, the hill high caste leaders winning the election as Chief Minister of a province will decrease where voters are likely to vote along ethnic lines. Even in administrative or government jobs, people from IP groups will be in competition against the hill high caste people. Another threat to hill high caste is that these ethno-lingual federal-units may have their own language as their official language and the Nepali speaking HHCP may require to learn another language to compete for provincial level administrative jobs. Such a condition will also result in more competition for favors from the ethnic groups of the provinces. The respective ethnic groups like Limbus, Madhesis, Tharus, Newars etc. will have close connection with the Chief Ministers or the leaders of the communities. Then, the authority over state power and resources will begin to transfer from the grip of HHCP to historically marginalized IPs of the country. The reluctance of HHCP to loosen the grip over power and resources of state has been resulted in the forms of critics against this 14-province model. There is nothing secret that those HHCP who desperately criticize against 14-provonce model is only an expression of their displeasure at giving up resource control and decision making power. But they are trying to make their bargaining position in diverged ways that they have opposed such federation mainly due to two reasons which includes; ethno-lingual division lead to disintegration of the country and the proposed federal-units will not be economically sustainable. In fact these justifications are just imaginary fears. Several countries across the earth which are federated on Ethno-lingual lines are upholding the principles of an inclusive and prosperous democracy by maintaining their social harmony.

Due to self centered politics and greedy interest, the HHCP do not see that ethno-lingual federalism can boost to different cultures and languages of Nepal at one hand and on the other, it will provide an opportunity for marginalized groups to organize better for their development and also to oppose any systematic discrimination from other elite groups or from any types of power centers. A large number of countries in the world have demonstrated that ethno-lingual demarcation actually helpful in keeping communities together. We can take the examples of Switzerland and Spain. Likewise, our neighboring countries like India, Srilanka and Pakistan also disseminate the same types of message.

The intention of this article is that the cavalier attitude of HHCP to the concerns of IPs for emancipation from their vicious circle needs to be transformed to build an inclusive and prosperous Nepal. Nepal is a composition of multi-cultural society. It is a historical opportunity for all political leaders to prove that they have magnanimity and wisdom to manage multi-cultural society by approving the already proposed 14-province model rather than a continuation in helping to enlarge the number of feudal fiats like in the past. The act of masquerading the ground reality to dupe IPs and a nominal re-design the state like that of zones of previous unitary regime in the name of the forefathers of HHCP saved this country from being territory of foreign rulers, will not be acceptable for IPs in the new Nepal. That type of political decision certainly lead to identity related conflicts.

Even though Nepal is multi-cultural society, it is not yet deeply divided because ethnic violence has not yet occurred at a large scale. In the past, the HHCP used monarchy as their foil as a surrogate for the ills of the old-order. But monarchy does not exist any more. The leaders of HHCP will be first target of IPs’ movement, if they stop to exercise the rights mandated by UNDRIP (article 16) which has been already approved by Nepal Government that affirms the fundamental importance of the rights to self determination of all peoples, by virtue of which they freely determine their political status and freely peruse their economic, social and cultural development. For that reason HHCP need to have a good judgment of current political development for better new Nepal for all. Only the spate of opinions of HHCP in the Medias to defend their interests to perpetuate state power and resources could be a sinister for another debacle in the country.


dtembe@wlink.com.np







Posted on:2010-02-17